we don't want any nuclear military power, neither in our region nor are in the world. but at the same time, we don't want any limitation against, regarding the development of peaceful democratic negotiations. technical details are so easy to be so. the problem is, there is no strong political will, and there is no, there is an absence of mature trust and confidence. on one side, coming, of course, the israelis, to negotiate, but there is a huge discussion inside iran, because it became a national issue. so a possible deal should satisfy iranian domestic public opinion. on the other side, working very hard, good intentions, skillful skillfully, but she has to satisfy the parameters of six other countries, and this country sometimes may have

different positions. i can say, if two negotiators come together with full mandate, it could be resolved. and mutual trust. in 2010, what she want to achieve, trust. if the deal was implemented, 1,800 kg of iranian enridgemeen would have been taken to turkey. the number so minimal so that there wouldn't be in possibility of the enrichment and iran promised at the time freezing 20% enrichment. if, two conditions, especially freezing enrichment is achieved, in fact, this is a full guarantee and assurance that there cannot be a military technology. this -- these issues could be discussed, if there is a strong

political will, and mature trust, as i said. so there are three options. negotiations, i think that's this is the only meaningful option. and which can create a result, but genuine and concentrated negotiation. not negotiation this month and after six months, we come again. i talk to both sides. stay in istanbul. like the pope. stay in one room. discuss everything. then you can go. otherwise, in the next six months, some other regional parliaments are coming, new tensions emerging, new acquisitions emerginemerging. one station, put everything on the table. before monday, i can assure you in a few days, they will solve. because i know both sides concerns, and assumptions. second option. sanctions.

for, in 2010, instead of implementing, sanctions imposed. what happened? in two years iran produced much more aeu, started enrichment of meu. sanctions being imposed. by turkey so interested? because we are -- party, because of sanctions and because of this tension, and third, military strike, i am telling you, military strike is a disaster. it is, should not be an option. especially in this historic turning point in our region. we don't want to see another huge tension, because it is not just a regional tension. we don't want to see such a nuclear strike. it is not reasonable. it is not feasible. nobody will think like second time it was -- there was one place, one attack. even that was wrong. but from this perspective, in

this case is-it-is not feasible, and we will be against it. we will never, never endorse any military strike or other military tension in our region. regarding syria it is a big item for iranians. i spoke with them very frankly. very frankly. even the terminology is interesting. it was once said, this is a fight between arab nagsists and islamists. it was a dynamic statement. if it's a fight between arab nation itself and islamist, then where is iran? republican of iran and where is arab league? arab league is a porting people. so these type of ideological orientation is wrong. at the end of the day, including

iran, all countries should be showing solidarity with the people of syria. i hope they will understand that it is better to be on the right side of history and on the right side of the demand of the syrian people rather than opposing this demand. those who are opposing against -- those who are resisting or trying to prevent these demands of the people, they will be losing in the future, because, as i said, from the very beginning, this is a difference between those who are understanding history and human conscience and those resisting the flow of history. wherever is resting, iran or other countries are same, they would be losing if they resist against these demands. thank you very much.

>> thank you very much. please let the foreign minister get out, because we've got to get him out of the -- >> apologies to all of those who had your hands up. we just ran out of time.

almost two years ago president obama and russian president dmitri signed a nuclear arms reduction treaty. after ratification by the u.s. senate, the treaty took effect last year. the brookings institution today will look at how that treatsy being implemented. the discussion will start at about 1:00 p.m. eastern. you'll be able to see it live on our companion network c-span2. when i first started the

book i also thought, this must be an american story. this is about a country that worships the religion of self-reliance and individualism. this is a legacy of thoreau and emm emers emerson. turns out we're laggards. more important in european nations and scandinavia and even more common in japan. >> in "afterwards ar ar "going solo" looking at the growing trend of american adults choosing to live alone and what that means for the country. saturday night at 10:00 eastern. also this weekend on "book tv" sunday at 3:00, the second cousin of former secretary of state korcondoleezza rice, conn rice, and starting a war between gang leaders and police. and georgetown university's bonnie morris on her one-woman book. "book tv" every weekend on c-span2.

amid uncertainty about european sovereign debt, german chancellor angela merkel recently talked way group of students about the future of europe. after speaking for about 20 minutes, the chancellor took questions from students at the hertie school of governance in berlin. >> translator: professor, and ladies and gentlemen, i hope all of you can see me behind the lectern, but it seems like it's a good place to be. dear students, especially, i am happy today to have been able to answer the invitation that has been sent to me and to come here

to talk to you about the future of europe. europe has always been at the crossroad of history at many points, but i think today is a good time, because we have to answer a question. what is the direction that we want to take for the future? this place is perfect. it's the new museum in berlin, and for our students it's a good framework, and a good place to talk about the future of europe since it's place that reminds us of the origin of our culture. we see the great classics. we see the wounds of world war ii and we see modern architecture as well. like we see in a lot of modern museums. and it's a place where the old

and the new mix in a very creative way. about five years ago in march 2007, in berlin we had a great anniversary. the head of state and government under the german presidency of the european union came to berlin to celebrate the treaty of rome that took place 50 years before, and back then, we took advantage of that to talk about the lisbon treaty and to underline what europe is all about. what means the european union. what we owe the european union and what we expect from the eu. we summarized all this in the berlin statement, which mentioned first that war

is over, and we talked about the freedom, about good living standards, friendship. this would be the new normal. we talked about multiplicity and diversity, and we talked about the conviction that the great question of the time can only be solved together. that was the basis of what we wanted for the future in the 21st century. we can only answer the questions if we are together, and i think in this berlin statement we summarized very well what we wanted for europe. and we concluded and i quote -- "the citizens are europe are fortunately united. we are fortunately united." europe defends freedom,

democracy, freedom of the press, all of this is anchored in our freedoms. and thanks to economic success in unity, and when we read huma. freedom of the press. we can see that in a world of 7 billion people, there are many people who still have to fight for all of this. so if it doesn't go by itself. we shouldn't take it for granted. there are countries in this world that, of course, have huge economies, but they don't have our values. they are far from having our living standard and our freedoms. so europe has a model that is now in a world in complete

change, and there's a question that we have to ask ourselves -- in 1950, just coming out of world war ii and little by little brought germany back into the community of the world. in the other germany, it was not the same. back then we were on the planet with 2.5 billion people. 20% of the humans were europeans. last year we hit 7 billion people in the world. and today, the europeans are only 7% of the world population. even if we are still 20% of the world gpp, but when we see each other again 20 years from now you will see that the numbers will have changed even more. our societies are aging in europe.

we are in a rapid demographic change. we are a more and more retired people. less and less active people among europeans. what does that mean? it means that if we want to keep our living standards, we have to change our policies. and if we want to keep our values in the globalized world, we have to work together and speak with one voice, and we have to convince the others with one voice. so it has to do with our living standards, but, also, it's all about our values. and of course europe is in the middle of a difficult crisis right now, and i think we will only come out of it if we go back to the origins of this crisis.

and if we look at the origins of the crisis, we will see immediately that we cannot overcome this crisis overnight with a lot of structural problems, and a lot of debt in some member states. the competitivety is very different from country to another. and there are lots of problems still in the construction of the common currency. three problems that must be overcome, that must be solved, that we must solve together. what does it mean? it means that it would be too simple to say, oh, the only problem is the international finance market. the crisis of 2008. no. that financial crisis revealed our structural weaknesses in europe. shed light on it.

and, therefore, for me, this crisis is more of a wake-up call. it's a wake-up call that tells me that we have to look in the face at our problems, and it's not going to be easy to find a solution, but i'm fully convinced that the only solution is when we all work together, and if we are successful in the mobilization, i think we will, that's what we want, otherwise, we will not be a successful continent. this means that what we have already achieved in europe can only be preserved if we renew europe with strength. and, therefore, we can say that

this crisis is a chance for us, it's the chance for us to create a stability union, a stable union, worthy of the name. the question of finances very often it is summarized in cut, cut, cut. well, that's too simple. no, it has to to with the fact that we have to live in a sustainable way and we have to also think about the next generation. and if we were not able to have a sustainable system, well, we would be in a very difficult situation that we could never overcome in the future. and the financial markets doubt, they wonder if we can come out of this crisis, and, therefore, one of the elements is to consolidate our budgets. we could say that we have started. we have started the beginning, if you want.

the pacts of the treaties are clear. we had the stability, it was very clear rules. the problem and the truth is that the rules were never respected. nobody checked them. and, therefore, the reality was different from what was on paper. so we need solid finances, solid budgets, sustainable budgets. among others for a generational justice. but not all the rules and the stability pact must be binding. that's why in this new pact it will be binding. this new treaty if you want, which was first thought for the eurozone countries now has been signed by 25 countries. and today, today, this very

date, it is the 20th anniversary of the treaty, and we have taken an important decision. we have decided to go the right way in our common currency. the rules of the stability pact were neglected. now we must say in the future there will be a respect, otherwise, we won't have a free and independent economy. but solidity is one aspect. but in order to have solidity we have to be more competitive. that, and lack of competitivety are linked together. if we cannot sell our products, we will have less jobs, and, therefore, our debt is going to go up. that is to say that budget consolidation and growth must go

together. one is the condition for the other. if we look at europe and if you look at the youth unemployment problem, then we must say one thing -- the average youth unemployment is over 20% in europe today. in some countries it's way over 40%. and if you think about the future, imagine where you want to invest your funds, where you want to place your money. thinking about life insurance, for instance. are you going to place your money in a country that has a very high youth unemployment? that has very profound demographic change and huge debt or are you going to place your funds in a country that is in a better situation? therefore, i think it is important here that we be competitive.

that we improve our competitivety so that more people have a job. and so that we can maintain our living standards. so we need structural reforms and, of course, that's the question of fairness, equity. in germany, we had the hearts for reform. it was very tough. change is always difficult. but when i became chancellor, the reform was still fresh. we had 5 million people unemployed in germany. today, we have less than 3 million people unemployed. youth unemployment has been cut in two in the last couple of years. and i think that for people now, especially for the young people, they have a new change. of course, we could still talk about wages, wage levels and fairnessish but at least we

have -- undergone some profound changes for the better. that's why i'm saying in the eu, let's learn from countries that have made changes, and i think it's not asking too much. even if there are no confidences in europe, at least we can look at best practices. see who's done well. maybe we could learn something, and change the rules where countries are not doing so well. that's what we thought about in what we call the euro plus pact, and i'm happy to see that a year later we have reached the point that we aiming for with more solidarity, more competitivety, but also the question is how much do i invest in research, in innovation?

in 2000, mind you, the heads of state of europe said in 2010 we want to be the continent of innovation. they all promised to invest at least 3% of their gdp in research. today in europe, it goes between 0.7% and 2.3%. of course, nobody did what they said. in germany, we are still far from the 3%. but it is not a very good image for competitivety what we have left in europe. the president of the european council said and i quote, we are not facing a choice between community methods and the methods of the member states. the choice is different. it is between coordination among member states and nothing. these are the discussions we must have today.

the economies of the different member states of europe are so tightly interwoven and especially whip the single market, that political decisions in one country always impact all the others. more today than ever. and this is true of the whole e.u. and even more for the eurozone. that is to say that a european policy will always be a domestic policy. we have to understand that. this is different from classical policy. yeah, we're always taught, yeah, you're talking among yourselves, but we do the same thing in our countries. we are trying to find the best recipe in our countries, but everybody is taking a different policy. that is to say we must work

closer with each other if we want to strengthen our economic and monetary union. and we must always give a piece and a part of our sovereignty to europe. we have always done it in the past. in germany, it was always difficult in terms of the policy, to always accept that we were giving up some of our sovereignty. it's easy for no country, even for germany. and especially now in the european union, we have adopted the majority principle. no country has a veto right anymore. so we have given a lot of our sovereignty, but in order for the whole to function that's what we have to accept. we have to go step by step. we have to understand that little by little giving up our

sovereignty to europe is going to be better and better for all of us. it's a question of trust. we have to trust each other. trusting means that, of course, if somebody's in a crisis, is in a difficult position, we all have to help them. the future, european stability mechanism is going to see to that. so-called esm. and also, we have to trust each other and trust that the other is going to make a big effort for better competitivety, so there's going to be national responsibility and european responsibility that goes together hand in hand. if we do that, we will go in the right direction. and i will quote also courage in adversity.

that's what schiller said, and, of course, you know, it's the words of the european anthem. courage in the middle of adversity. and europe has had worse problems in the past than the ones we are going through today. so all this for freedom and solidarity. in the old days, we had economic crisis. economic crisis led to lack of trust, to distrust, to isolation and unfortunately very often to war. today, fortunately, it's no longer like this. we europeans are much closer together than we ever were. and now the basis of all that is trust again. germany knows the importance of such a trust.

the western allies after world war ii saw to it that germany would be a democratic country. we owe their trust to what we have become. it's allowed us to start again and to be friends with the rest of europe again. and without that, we would not have had the reunification of germany nor the transatlantic organization. so german reunification and unity are the same sides of the same coin, since i spent a lot of years in the nonfree part of germany i know what happiness is for all of us. after world war ii, it was almost a miracle that we were able to overcome mountains of hatred and misunderstanding.