foreign minister. see that event live 11:30 a.m. eastern c-span2. c-span now, mobile video app or c-span.org. >> c-span is your unfiltered view of government who are funded by these television companies and more, including comcast. >> do you think this is just a community center? no, it's way more than that. comcast is partnering with a thousand community centers to create wi-fi enabling listening so students from low income families can get the tools they need to be ready for anything. >> comcast supports c-span as a public service, along with these other television providers, giving you a front row seat to democracy. >> and now, a discussion with political strategists on how young voters could impact the 2024 election cycling. they also discuss the channels

the democratic and republican parties face in getting their messages out to voters. this event was hosted by georgetown university's institute of politics and public service and runs just under an hour. [inaudible conversations] >> good evening. my name is eelifa-- olivia mason. i've been involved in the spring 2024 team. >> i'm at the mccourt student and also a member of the team. tonight, excited to host an event what politicians are getting wrong about young voters. with an impressive panel of professionals, as we approach the 2024 election the youth vote grows more and more

important in a tight race between president biden and donald trump. and increasing gen z representation to 41 million not understanding not only what and how young voters are thinking, but what is mobilizing them is key for both candidates as they seek a second term in office. >> it is our pleasure today to introduce the panelists, for the geopolitical fellow and white house correspondent for the news hour, a strategist and former justice for democrats, and the pollster and it will be moderated. following the panelists remarked we will take live questions in q & a format. please join me in welcoming our

panelists. [applause] >> okay. thank you so much for georgetown, for having us. yeah, we're here to talk about the 2024 election because as you mentioned, you know, this-- over the next four years, the gen z millennials are going to make up the largest share of voters in the united states. it's happening at a time when a lot of young people feel uncreasingly disillusioned about electoral politics and representation on the national level. we want to get into that and talk about what issues are enmating some voters and how they're feeling to connect with young people. to start, i'm curious how many of you plan to vote in the presidential race this november. all right. it's georgetown so like, sure. how many of you feel excited to vote in november? all right. we've got like two and a half

hands, so, that is-- that's the issue, i think, and this comes up a lot in our coverage at teen vogue. i think just there's a lot of apathy, you know, young people in particular are not very hyped about the prospect of a biden and trump rematch. so, you can start by setting the stage, like what is low enthusiasm among young voters mean in terms of control of the white house and congress? >> yeah, well, i mean, it's going to be incredibly important across the battle ground states because as i think they'll both say, i think the election is going to be close and it's going to be at the margins and young voters are going to contribute to that. just to give a picture how young voters have voted in the last few election cycle since 2018 or so, young voters have had pretty increasing, strong turnouts, midterms and presidential cycles. in the last presidential cycle

joe biden received about 60% roughly of 18 to 29 year olds and that was true also when you broke it down into the battle ground states. right now he's not doing as well amongst the 18 to 29-year-old cohort. despite the fact that it still holds true to young voters and maybe some of will you disagree with that, a lot of gen z-ers based on polling and focus groups, that they believe that the government should be involved in a lot of fixes across the board, whether it's climate change, whether it's reproductive rights, racial equity, you name the existential crisis that young voters see as looming on the horizon, they feel as though the government should be in some part of that. maybe not the entire part of it, but a part of what contributes to that fix. so, overall, gen z-ers as well

as millennials leaned more to the left than the right. and there's a gender gap. more true among young women than young men. right now when i was talking to, i'm preparing to start to try to go out with the fellowship ends to go out to the battle ground states more. my first stop will be michigan and so we're kind of preparing for that coverage right now and one of the pieces that we are going to do is on young voters. and what they're thinking and feeling right now in michigan. in preparation for that, obviously, one of the big issues is going to be israel-gaza for voters there. and they're not happy with president biden and they're not happy with thinks policies and i was talking to a source today and just asking, now, there was a shift amongst -- there was a shift by the white house today. president biden essentially told netanyahu, if you do not

start changing your approach to-- and if you don't provide concrete plans in terms of humanitarian aid, in terms of your approach to gaza, then we are going to condition any future aid to israel. and i was talking to the sort and i said do you think that that's going to change young voter's minds at all about president biden or might start to shift more towards him again. they said no. it's essentially cease-fire is achieved or, you know, there's still going to be questioning whether or not they want to support him. that's not everything that i think is on the minds of young voters. i think abortion is going to be a big issue, economy as well. but i'll end there. >> i'm sure we'll have more to say on this. but i'm also curious, patrick, what you've seen on the enthusiasm gap when it comes

to biden and-- >> there's polls all over the map. there are so many polls that gained headlines that showing even donald trump pulling ahead among younger voters. i don't think it's likely that trump wins the youth vote, however, i do think it's probable that you know, the biden margins from four years ago is going to be reduced and that's due to several factors, not all of them generational in nature. we've had a shift in the last-- especially in the 2020 election cycle, but by evidence and every poll has confirmed pretty much that we've seen a massive shift among non-white voters. the younger generations is much more diverse, i see it in the room. they're much more diverse than the traditional electorate to votes in every single presidential election and special election. but it seems like because

you've had the shift among latinos, among african-americans in the polls, that's automatically going to reflect upon younger voters becoming more competitive because they're just a much more diverse group. and in our own polling, we've seen young voters specifically shifting about 15, 20 points from 2020. and a lot of that is drilling down among young, non-white men, right, who have shifted about 20, 22 points towards trump. and in particular, when you drill down further, the folks who-- the people in that cohort who did not vote in 2020 are already a majority trump group. so in among non-young white men who didn't vote in 2020. trump is 51%. and non-young white voters who

didn't vote in 2020, primarily a democratic group, 70-30. there's a question who turns out. if biden has an enthusiasm problem it's not-- obviously you can debate to what extent he's losing votes to trum trump and people are switching to trump. i think if some combination of those two things have it, right, it's pretty dangerous, in 2020 we saw latino communities, asian-american communities shift to the right, however, we also saw a lot-- a very high turnout in the 2020 election. so, these were still democratic groups just the margins had shrunk. so, the biden advantage didn't shrink by that much. he's convincing less people and fewer people are turning out, that's a pretty dangerous situation that kind of compounds on itself. >> yeah, i mean, i was going to get to this later, but i am

curious, i saw polling from gallup recently that a majority of young people don't see themselves as either democrats or republicans, they're more likely to view themselves as independents. so i'm curious, i mean, yeah, i'm just curious why you all think that is and whether you see that continuing moving forward. i mean, i don't know, i grew up, i'm millennial and i grew up in hyper partisan era and people are really put off by that. and a lot of young people who do align more with a party don't see them in the institutional democratic party. >> i think some of that is the symptom of the two-party system, which is that you have so much of our politics is determined about how much you hate the other party. most people vote for their candidate because they don't want the other candidate to get in and that sort of dampens a lot of enthusiasm.

while they lean democrat, if you look at parallel examples, in so many countries and around the world and especially in europe and latin america, there have been new political parties that represent young people because so many people got dissatisfied in the center left. in this country that's taken the shape of aoc and bernie sanders. it's still been with the democratic party. there's just lots of -- there's not strong party loyalty to the brand of the democratic party. some things discussed earlier, i saw things about non-white young men, i saw some polling after 2020 showed one of the largest predictors of whether or not young latino men or young black men were going to vote republican was for young latinos black lives matter and

for young black men how they felt about undocumented immigration. it's very similar to-- it's a difficult thing to talk about, but it's not that different from manier-- the history of this country, people's relationships, particularly in the democratic party, the question of proximity to the black experience and the question of proximity to new immigrants. so there's literature, you can go to the georgetown library and how the irish became white or italians game white or jews became white. similar to latinos or asians who have been here one, two, three generations and don't identify with the black experience of systemic racism or don't identify with undocumented immigration and feel pigeonholed to those groups in order to be a

democrat. particularly with young men. if the democratic party, one of the craziness polls, latino voters after 2020, do you believe that systemic racism is a problem for the latino community, majority said no, that indicated whether you were going to vote for trump or not. there's lots of things like that, a profound tectonic shift happening in the american society and american culture, people write books about 20, 30 years from now, when it's more kosher to talk about, but i do see a lot of the trends happening that they were mentioning. >> and i know, patrick, there's polling and he talks to a lot of young people, but some of the other pollsters and people that conduct focus groups, some are nonpartisan and researchers picking up on something they're not sure is quite, necessarily going to be accurate, but one thing to keep an eye on is 18 to 21 year olds. they may vote slightly

differently than 21 to 29 year olds. because 18 to 21 year olds and maybe some in this room, were in, what, 5th, 6th grade when trump was in office. and so what they're noticing in some of the focus groups is that those 18 to 21 year olds are more open to president trump because they don't really have a concrete memory of him or a firm memory of him or an established memory of him because they were so young when he was in office. and they view him more as a character so now that they're starting to think about voting for the first time they're open to, you know, to his message, to what he's talking about, and that they-- especially men within that cohort, are looking more at potentially voting for him, than necessarily 21 to 29 year olds and again, i can't stress enough the gender gap. whether you're looking at latinas, young latinas, young

black voters, young black women, there's a gender gap. the other thing, factor that i think is interesting here is that black voters have voted democratic what, about 80% or more. 80% or more of the black vote votes democratic historical live. you're starting to see somewhat of a shift as patrick was talking about, particularly among young black men. one thing that could be contributing to that is that the black church has often been really key to, you know, why black voters when they are he a talking and they're socializing, that they've kind of stayed in lock step because they have the similar community within the black church. gen z-ers are like millennials, kind of equal in this, the least likely to be religious, any type of religious affiliation. they don't go to church, they're the least likely to go to church regularly. so they're not having that,

they're not as attached to the democratic party as like older black voters, maybe, because they're not in the same spaces. >> and i think that trump -- and i guess also in a way they have seen a president trump so it's not so unfathomable to be elected again, but in 2016, blew everybody's mind that he actually won. that's interesting. circling back a little bit. i to want to make it clear, just because young people might be apathetic about this presidential race does not mean that you all are apathetic in general. there's amazing organizing around general and state, and ballot and measures at the state level. based on cease-fire, on gun violence, these things. you're talking to these young

organizers all the time and wondering why they say that's where they're investing their energy. >> there's a huge tectonic shift happening in different sectors of our country and our world, starting with our culture. so, i saw a poll today that said, more gen z-ers identify -- a quarter of the gen z lth and millennials and gen x are not close to that at all. gender norms have shifted dramatically in the country ins last 10 years. people's societal expectations are. people look at the economy, the majority-- you know, people at georgetown sometimes forget this. majority of the voters haven't finished a college degree and there have been huge shifts in

our economy particularly around tech. most millennials or gen z don't think they'll be able to own a home, not true of gen x and boomers. and changed how gen z and millennials are with the economy. and there was a report the green new deal that the u.s. had 10 years to get off fossil fuel to stave off climate disaster and in our democracy, we have a system in which, you know, it's reasonable given what i just said why young democrats wouldn't be enthusiastic of thinking mark warner and tim kaine would solve the problems. it's absurd that voting for a generic democrat would solve the issues. they feel so huge and different from what the generic democrat stands for and believes and i'm using those two because they're across the river, but leads a lot-- well they're kind of the mainstream of the party, i

think. >> establishment. but i think a lot of young people feel like-- a lot of young people, this is a genius strategy of republicans when you gridlock the system and democracy is closed to solving societal. since president obama and the tea party, the last 10 congresses have been the least productive in our history since reconstruction since the civil war. i think that young people look at that and say like, the inputs of our democracy and outputs are not aligned. you see with what happens with the popular vote and the electoral college, it makes sense that young people are cynical, but it is part of a republican strategy to make democracy pretty gridlocked to achieving anything, to make government not work, to make government be unable to fix problem's problems like the republican narrative is to have-- to not have government solve problems. to leave that to the free market. and that has led to a--

there's been so many social movements led by young people from occupy, to black lives matter, to sunrise moment, cease-fire. and metoo. and shaping public opinions. there can't-- politics is not only obtaining the opinion of the country. the gun violence, 90% are with you. and what's the puzzle piece for creating change. i do think that many young people are at this place where they can't see the connection between those changes and political outcomes. >> patrick. >> no, i think that just in a period of intense economic anxiety where the people really who have been at the margins of the economy, have felt the

present of negative changes that maybe happened in the last few years, with inflation and just rising costs to own a home. it's not surprising people are frustrated with that. now, i think that -- it's not the, you know, that we see young people as by that statistics. it's not like we're seeing them beating down the doors of the republican party. that's not what's going on. it's that you know, you have, i think, you talked about so much discussion, about joe biden's age. the problem, you know, the problem with joe biden is not that he is old, but that to many young voters he represents an old politics. so where they saw somebody like bernie sanders challenge the establishment, joe biden seems to embody the establishment more than anyone and i think that he's unwittingly reinforced by the message right around democracy and protecting

our institutions, right? which i think to some extent reinforces the idea that, well, for a lot of people democracy seems to not be working really well. institutions don't seem to be working really well, particularly for this generation. and you have donald trump who, again, is not a traditional republican, is not the stereotypical image of a republican. you know, we all like-- i remember, you know, years and-- back when you have the either jon stewart, you know, show clips about, you know, the republican, the college republican who looks older than, you know, your grandfather or something like that. and that's not the image that donald trump projects, right, even though he's nearly as old as joe biden. donald trump is effectively a third party insurgent candidate running as a republican. so, he's not tied down or weighed down by, i think, the negative associations that many young voters have with

republican or conservatives' ideology. add to that, we have so many third party candidates which i think are a huge wild card this we are and particularly run rfk, jr. who has been in double digits and especially on the margins i think will hurt president biden, not because, i think, there is let's say the ideological alignments make a ton of sense here, it's because, you know, i think right now president biden's base is more disaffected so there's more room for defection. even though rfk, jr. and donald trump really resemble each other in a lot of theirs viewers and anti-establishment positioning, so, i think, you know, joe biden has to deal with, i think, a challenge coming from multiple sides right now. >> yeah, considering the question of low voter turnout

among young people, i'm wondering what you all think kind of-- what actually changes the needle on this? i feel like every election cycle we see so much of just kind of like lecturing young people about the importance of voting and shaming them about it and telling vote, vote, vote, no matter what, you've got to vote and a lot of trotting out influencers and celebrities to kind of put out little messages along the same lines. do those things matter? is that actually going to-- it's expected to be low turnout now. will that make a difference or what does? what do you hear from the young voters? >> i don't think there's going to be low turnout and there hasn't necessarily been low turnout among young voters since 2018. >> i thought the cycle was trending differently. >> i think, they may disagree with me, based on my reporting, i think that-- look, i get, could there be lower turnout, yes, if the voters that vote uncommitted or young voters that are upset

with president biden that were a part of that 60% decide they're going to stay home, which they could, they could decide to stay home or they could decide to protest vote. and maybe it's an rfk, jr. approach. but i think that what the polls show now, there's so much time between now and november for that to change and i would be frankly surprised if turnout among vote,were lower than 2020. that may be more of my gut hunch than it is totally. >> there was in politico, a couple months ago, asked me to do a little like three paragraph thing on what biden can do to win the young people's votes and there were like 10 people that responded to the question and nine of them were about, had something to do with policy, they're all about tik tok and youtube and

this kind of thing. and i think there are substantive policy issues with biden that aren't about outreach or tik tok or being old. primarily the war in gaza, but not just the war in gaza, but i think that inflation is an issue with many young people who are in the service economy, but if you look at the new york times did a study of the uncommitted voting in minnesota the second largest by percentage and they mapped where the largest-- largest arab community in minnesota is somalians. and they did an overlay where the somalian voters were, and under 30, and it was the under 30 driving, not the somalian community. and in polling gaza does show up as a top three issue for young people, it's definitely not the top issue. the economy is continuing to be the top issue for young people and climate is usually number

two. number three is the war. again, lots can change between now and november, but my experience of this being part of the uncommitted campaign is there. there are a lot of young people who i feel like-- if you're going to have jill steen and cornel west and rfk on the battle, cornel west potentially backed by a republican super pac talking about gaza, many information that young people are going to pick that as an option. i was talking to someone who is close to biden yesterday and they were telling me there's a divide in the white house how to approach the campaign. half in the circle feels that-- half the inner circle feels the uncommitted campaign doesn't show anything. kind of what you're saying. who knows what the scandal-- the crisis will be in october. elections are defined what happens in october not what happened before. ... before.

was pretty significant the reading of the polls had that conversation of michigan democrats. her p >> harpole showed that amongst young people that widens number amongst voters, , democratic voters in michigan under 30, rfk is only three points behind biden in terms of enthusiasm. i do think there's a real worry there and if i was in the white house i be concerned. they are very concerned about voters over 65 who are in nikki haley is kind of camp and that's who they are looking to persuade, they think they can drive up. that's how biden won in 2020. yet both young people like us of

something that showed voters over 65 who have a college degree are the most swinging toward democrats demographic. i think biden really cares. that's the bread-and-butter. >> a more natural fit for them to pursue. should we open it up? we're going to open up to questions of august. if you could just, there will be mics past rent c if you just say your name and what you study or something. don't be shy. >> i i am the master public-poly student, my question is, both the candidates this time are obviously significantly older. that has been a talking point, but why is it that we are more about joe biden's age than about trump's age? is that going to have an impact

on the youth vote? >> yes, we've done some bowling on this it's pretty remarkable in that there's almost a two to one majority saint joe biden is too old to serve effectively as president. the reverse for donald trump, that two-thirds say he is not too old to serve as president. four years ago people did not seem to haveee this problem with joe biden. it does seem like something has changed in those four years about this perception. i think it really comes down to the energy level. i think both candidates tend to project, and i'm not convinced that may be a little bit more of a little bit of an older, more decaffeinated donald trump wouldn't be a better version of donald trump, right? i think to some extent maybe he is reaping the benefits of old age in a way that biden has not

been. >> i think tiktok also plays a role. i mean, some of the students i've had the pleasure of being near georgetown now for the last few months and some of the students that come into our discussion groups havero talked about how these clips go viral on tiktok that of an edited that make joe biden look even more stumbling and senile than he actually did. if you watch the full speech or if you watch the full 20 minutes, add that that is what they said they like i've never seen that about trump. then when you ask him have you seen c where he mixes up obama d biden, or cost nikki haley nancy pelosi? i have seen that. so they don't go as i think where agenda people are getting the information and i'm a millennial, although i'm not on tiktok, and i think contributes to that. and also then i think, look, republicans have been very effective about really attacking president biden on his age.

and donald trump is made that a key element of his attacks on biden. whereas the democrats have necessarily done that when they are attacking donald trump. they may be have been a bit recently in response, but republicans have been doing it a lot longer, you know, way far out like almost a year of war out from the election cycle, really trying to say that biden is senile and not up to the job, you know, that kamala harris actually runs white house or barack obama runs the white house, anything that has an effect. >> i also think like right-wing media is essentially an ideological propaganda machine for the republican party and donald trump, like the largest platforms for white wing media. center and centerleft media, even like the most democratic party aligned media like msnbc and the "new york times" or pod safe america, like there was

still have to comment on some of biden's gas if he was elderly in which the right-wing media would likely never, on anything that trump did that was an error. so the democratic party coalition and the media ecosystem still has some standards of like reporting on the news and holding politicians accountable compared to fox news, breitbart news. what's it called, newsmax and these are the places where you don't really criticize their own party later that also shapes perceptions. >> i think in this model but also the 2020 messaging is coming back to bite i did it because he very much famous up as like i'm a bridge candidate. this is my one term and were going to step off the stage and let the new generation take over and now it's like, but i'm still here. >> they claim to have never said that now. on the didn't mean -- >> anyway, sorry. go ahead. >> hello, hello.

i am a freshman in the college studying government and economics, and my question is, so it's been pretty startling to me at least personally, i haven't really seen very much biden is promising policy wise to do in the next election if the selected besides some vague allusions to abortion and codifying those sorts of things. my question for you was, is or any sort of policy goals you could think he could put forth any or any policy positions he could make out that you think would really drive up to voters for young people? >> this issue is typically framed around older people but i think young people do care about it. just this week biden announced really big, on the huge critic of joe biden but announced this week as you'd h policy proposal that he's enacting with bernie sanders on prescription drugs. crickets from the mainstream media ondr that because the bidn campaign, like it's in partar because we are in immediate environment driven by conflict,

i clickbait, by means and trump knows how to engage, i kissed on the new york city media. he's from the "new york post" were everything is run on tabloids and meaty and he knows how to play that game, like it's one of these things with a prescription drugs think is announced and it's very popular but it's announced in such a boring way. it's like, for example, if trump was doing it the whole thing would be like, here's the ceo of pfizer who i'm going to take them in now, like, like step to get peoples attention. i think biden is running, or biden typically runs a much more risk averse traditional campaign were even when they have exciting, like inflation reduction act, they friended her in reducing inflation but like i think my state isn. most young people have no idea what's even in the bill and it's about climate change what the climate provisions are. [inaudible] >> there's kind dislike risk aversion to creating conflict

and controversy, productive conflict, productive controversy where i am like how to make these issues interesting, exciting to try peoples attention toward it? and gain them. trump is very good at that. >> i mean, i think with a student debt relief ih think soe young people for it about the supreme court striking down the debt with a plan but there might not of heard about like the other measures the administration is taking to relief debt. it's also kind of the need to be better about messaging what they have done, how they are fighting for your people, like with the policies have o already enacted. >> do in any geek i still amt present biden has forgiven in debt? i'm just d curious. >> i thought it was like -- [inaudible] >> he has forgiven around roughly $150 $150 billion f debt for roughly 4 million, give

or take. i might have that number slightly off, borrowers. i feel like nobody knows about it. it's crazy. >> lots of questions now. >> hello. my name is brandon. i'm a senior studying international political economy. i question is more focused on races down the ballot. because i'm curious, like obviously -- like senate, house, even state, things like that. evidently i feel like there's attachment to biden and trump that's like pretty negative. i'm curious if, for instance, you think like swing state senators or competitive state legislator seats are going to adjust their strategy potentially like not rent under the biden label or like trump label even and want to like take a stand againstin the party as what to try to get people who are protest voting or no vote vg to leave come out and vote in

their races. >> out really quickly. some of the folks have talked to that of working on down ballot races, for democrats, say that across the board in a lot of states their candidates are polling above biden. so they could very well mean the end up helping him, if people turn out and vote for the democrat down ballot, but for the democrats in the senate race or a house race and then decide okay, they will also vote for biden. but right now and almost, and lot of the races the folks i talked to say the candidate can the democratic candidate is pulling ahead of the president. given the enthusiasm problem that he has. if you look at special elections, everyone will always when you don't read too much into them but sometimes they can be hints ofhe what could potentially be coming. i mean look, abortion is played

future role in the special election. there was just one i think was, correctly, a state legislative race in, was at alabama? yes. where people were prettyre surprised the democrat ended up winning there, that was around reproductive, reproductive rights message around ivf. you've seen even in very red states, in between 2022nv and nw a lot of the special elections have gone towards democrats were gone towards support of more abortion access. >> i would like to address this to some extentad because it's a question focus on campaigns. what does voter mobilization gop look like this year when if it does seem like this focus much more equally divided, there was a very revealing memo published by the "washington post" earlier this week that talked about sort of internal democratic memo

saying it no longer makes sense, it is no longer cost-effective for campaigns to do blind voter registration among young people in particular because they are not certain the margins are big enough between biden and trump for that to be a a cost effece strategy for democrats picked and back they might end up activating certain things for trumpet that consists with somee of the polling dating we see where it's not like maybe there's a democratic advantage but if it's only ten ten pos opposed to 20 points overall, you know, young nonwhite voters are within 20 points, not 40 points, the investment, right, that campaign particularly this ground-level youth campaigns make in get out the vote, looks to medical director i would say it's big challenge for republicans as to how they want to address this because there's been so much speculation. isn't this shift real and are we going to invest resources around trying to capitalize on ships

that might be happening among young or nonwhite voters in this election? i think in particular trump has to identify people, right, who, this is very different from your grandfathers republican party. he actually needs to go out and identify voters of color, younger black men, younger hispanic men who maybe haven't voteden before who are on the fringes of the process used to be a pretty reliable democratic group when they voted, and now is more 50-50 or maybe even leaning towards trump. >> two things. one is that, so i mostly work on democratic primaries between democrat versus democrat battles. when we do a a poll at the beginning of the race our candidate is always down by like 80-point was to come almost has like zero name recognition. and people always like him like he went maybe five or ten spot with heavy demographic voters under 45 are always like half interested in unseating the

incumbent just from purely anti-incumbent sentiment, ideological sentiment and like at the establishment lives wanting generational change. so they're also more thinly with some of the members of the squad and more supportive of them. three or four of them have likeo major primaries come up and could be unseated in this upcoming primary. i'm curious whether some of the stuff around gaza is also having an effect not just on biden but on the democratic party brand. and if this candidates are unseated by aipac, we jump people feel the democratic party is not a place for candidates like omar, cori bush? in the secondor thing is going o say was that on some of these down ballot races, so schumer gave this landmark speech and is there a couple of weeks ago about how he had personally turned the page on netanyahu and

was calling for new election in israel. he doesn't make that speech unless he talks to the purple state senators who he is most concerned about being reelected. i assume he's hearing from some of them thatt this is becoming n issue interstate. maybe i'm an electoral reason or maybe just from a nuisance perspective that activists are annoying them at town halls that the views have shifted. and so that also gives me a sense that typically when a senate candidate in a purple state is like, you know, standing up to the party, they do it from the right. i don't know if that would end up happeningon in some of happening in some of the states which is quietly pushing for the party privately to change its position or at least have schumer change his position on it. >> so i saw a poll by gallup is said that more young people are

starting to get into work that i think in the past 50 years. like, the largest percentage of young people are now entering the workforce at like 16. and i've also seen polls that show record high approval ratings for unions since the '70s. i was wondering, because of feel like a sea kind a gap in biden's campaign strategy because he has been one of the most prounion candidates to come about, that he isn't aiming that prounion sentiment toward the youngest generation.om because as someone who's been working in the restaurant industry since i was 16 i can see the progression of like my coworkers and other restaurants down the street are all starting to unionize and that wasn't a a conversation that was being had four years ago. >> i mean, i think it's one of those things where like politics is really defined by what's

happening, elections are defined by what'ss happening in a particular set of times. like a year ago so when young people on the left like this guy invited the amazon worker to do what is. this guys on the picket line with uaw. go, joe. we all like what happened to that guy? i do think like elections and politics and political sympathies can be fickle like that where it's like if you really, if you really hit that demographics core values come in this case gaza, people might flip cannot even remember those things. even i was like i forgot when invited the amazon workers to the white house. maybe he has to do better job reminding people of that, but it seemed like an people have pushed the priorities because this is the issue in the media that they care moren about. i mean, you govern the economist at poll in december by january the said half of the people who voted for president biden 2020 believe that israel is doing in gaza is a genocide. most of the numbers are powered

by voters under 45. when you're a student, genocide is the worst thing possible, regardless of whether or not you think it's a genocide, likeit that's the voter sentiment how they feel. so to haveme the president and e leader of that party the backing what people consider a genocide, like it does trump a lot of the other sympathies anyway i think yes to address. >> great, thanks so much. i'm a student in the school of foreign service studying global business. you mentioned, quote, when you hit a demographic core values. i'm curious on your thoughts on the social conservatism of many minority groups, whether it's asian or latino or even black who potentially as there is more people are growing upeo in immigrant household or even immigrants themselves all come

from cultures that are c significantly more socially conservative than what we seen anat attorney. as the democratic party goes more into identity politics of gender politics, that can tubing factor on the shift to the right. right. >> i think it's absolutely happy. the polling has been pretty clear that among all voters, the big shift is b happening among nonwhite voters who identify as conservative. you say i have personally have conservative values or sensing at least answering the polling question and sang i'm conservative. but historically most nonwhite communities out of a sense of group solitary have voted for the democratic party. you are starting to see that loyalty breakdown as people i think are more voting their ideology or voting their valuesi and you see that in places like rio grande valley in texas and little saigon in southern california and little havana in miami. i think that is a big deal.

what among youngng people at e one of the more fascinating developments is the rise of the so-called, this podcasting rambler joe rogan, you have the ufc come you have the rights of cryptoware you have i think particularly young men are really in this media space that in many ways is really cared towards them specifically, in many ways taking very contrarian positions against feminism, against covert mandates, against, and you see, you know, we asked about some of these things in our polling. the majority of younger nonwhite men are either listeners of joe rogan or fans of the ufc, or trade crypto.

those people, right, that majority of people is much more pro-trump than the rest of the young electric. so what does that mean? i don't necessarily think, i do see much evidence innk the data that's creating a shift right, but it do think it creates are rallying point, right, way before democrats have, can go to college campuses to rally a majority of people on college campuses and register voters. i think this virtual social media realm is creating kind of an analog to that on the right. >> this is kind of what i was talking with earlier in my remarks, but it is not new in this country. people write about this error and is and with the right about the '60s. it's the profound cultural shifts happening in the country. it is true that like typically the ways that elections were,

like a really great sample is gay marriage. like the black committee was not in favor of gay marriage compared to other demographics within the democratic party until obama endorsed it. but opposition to gay marriage was not a a triumphing issue r other issues to leave the democratic party, as partisan loyalty and party brand insulation disappeared, some of those other issueser especially become the social media are rising to the top of priority was its agenda politics a race politics. both the left and the democratic party establishment has an issue where that kind of arises around 2014. like, the data i shut is that if you come allies, voters are not, voters don't care about allies shiput any into ally with anothr kindred they will choose themselves in the own self interest out off an ally ship almost every time. if you ask latino and asian communities, like theoretically to a lie with black lives matter

desha ally -- proximity, they were rejected that at a self interest in what's even taught about this country to share what blackness means. i think it's similar with new coming immigrants and an document immigrants as well. if you force these communities to choose between their own committee and in the security they've always choose their own community and the causes them to become more conservative. stephen miller in 2021, 2021 start a 501(c)(3) organization the senate may have missed almost every asian american and the me. thery thing said asians need not apply and is about affirmative action. the mailer said that this percentage of black people are league colleges at this percentage of patients are being rejected standup against raisins. it said really big like it made up in workstation name that claim to be on from an asian-american or position but it was really something by stephen moore from the white

house. i think that stuff is successful if you can, if you can pick some of these committees against each other. democrats and progressives need for how to make arguments about solidarity, about multiracial democracy, rent civil rights of all communities that create a collective interest and not just hit self interest against each other make it a zero-sum game between communities. i don't think many committees have figured that out, army activists or party strategists have figured that out. >> does someone have a closing question? >> yeah, i do, one quick question. right before we start the q&a ho type of the white house focusing on voters over 65 and putting their efforts there. could you talk more about that demographic and how it d compars to young voters specifically, like engines a turnip, in terms of size, in terms of persuadability? and other issues that are kind of helpful for the white house

for one of those groups and simultaneously not helpful for the other? are there trade-offs? what do you make of that strategy? >> yeah, so waleed was referring to this shift that has occurred where i think older white college educated versus older noncollege educated where they switch sides. older noncollege educated used to be with the democrats. older college educated whites used to be with republicans andl they basically gone the opposite direction. but also who the biden campaign sees as persuadable are older nikki haley voters, basically older than millennials and above. gen x and above. and if they are a nikki haley voters if they think there into 30% or so of republicans that are not happy with donald trump, then they think they can

potentially persuade some of those voters to vote for president biden, based on things like chumps tied to one felony counts, based on january 6, based on their fears that he may, based on what he said about terminating and suspending the constitution. so now are they going to get 30% of republicans, those 30% of them them? no, they're not. if they are lucky they might get what, six or 7% or so. they are persuadable though. i wasre just talking, i was just looking at a focus group that was two time trump voters and older, about around the age of 60 or so are older, to time trump voters that were not happy with former president trump, and it was around the fact that he is facing these trials and facing these felony, these 91 felony counts. so that that is who the biden

campaign is really focused on right now, and he really think if they can get them in states like arizona, in states like pennsylvania, that that can help with those margins. when it comes to see just they also are hoping that what he has done in terms of capping insulin prices at the cost of $35 for seniors, allowing medicare to negotiate prescription drug prices, that that will be a winning message for him, take it with older voters. >> so the democratic party is like a coalition of social movements from the '60s and '70s who have become interest groups that were led by boomers and gen x. if you look at college educated white liberals or college-educated boomers like the democratic party is a sign of the victories they have one from civil rights to the feminist movement and abortion to the climate and environmental movement to lgbt rights. like that is what the democratic

party is on some level editing voters or 65 are very proud of those achievements and scared of losing those things. i think young voters were not part of this moment and didn't achieve those things and also if you like you are other causes that they care about. in some ways it's this kind of loss aversion. they don't want to lose the rights that they fought so hard to win and young people because they were not the ones who won those things they don't feel a strong about it, in my opinion. the movement they can people are part of have not wholly gone through the door of the democratic party today, but the ones that boomers were part of, or gen x part of the '60s and '80s have a seat at the table essentially. >> hopefully they will get through the door soon and we can probably end there i think. but yeah, thank you so much for coming out. this is great. [applause]

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